Guide Politik auf Österreichisch: Zwischen Wunsch und Realität (German Edition)

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One hundred years covers barely three generations, who, as experience shows, physically come together and spend a certain part of their lives together, passing their history from hand to hand or from mouth to mouth. My generational memory begins with the collapse of the imperial-royal monarchy and the creation of the Republic of Austria. My grandfather was a young man of 18 when he served in the last Isonzo offensive in October and was wounded on the Piave River as a soldier of the imperial-royal army. After he recovered and could finally come home, the Republic was declared.

My grandmother always claimed she had survived three wars: the First World War, the Carinthian armed resistance struggle and the Second World War. As soon as we turn our gaze from our origins and consider things generally, history appears fleeting, virtually ungraspable.

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A collection of clues, of relics, as writing on the wall, as an opaque cultural and material mixture that we can hardly penetrate with our thoughts. During moments of happiness we believe we are able to see something glimmering through the depths of historic time, questions for example, that burn and concern us as if they had only just been broached.

I was invited to give a speech on this state occasion. An astonishing, audacious invitation that honours me but also impelled me into an unrelenting cycle of doubts. I spent a long time considering what position I could even give my speech from. At most as an individual with my own life story, as a poet, a Carinthian Slovene, an Austrian who has a relationship with the Republic of Austria. Having a relationship not only means having passed through state educational institutions or paying taxes, it also means getting actively involved, being committed and participating in political orientation processes.

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This relationship is not a matter of advantages or certainties; in truth, it is about questions of identity, about what we are and what we want to be. As I see it, identity is a process, not a completed state, not a fixed, unchangeable constant. It does not start and stop in the now and instead is made up of origin, of language, of what has been inherited, learned, lived, and experienced, of work, suffering, belief, love, hope, of forgetting and remembering, of fears and longings, of what we were, what we are, and what we want to become.

As soon as identity solidifies or is curtailed or dictated from the outside, it transforms into a slogan, an accusation or a mask. Identity is determined by bonds, and bonds can be life-affirming or destructive.

State entities are also subject to processes of forging an identity and of change. The relationship between the individual and the state moves within those contexts. The decisive criterion is to be found at the beginning of this unusual relationship. It is the criterion of democracy. Democracy is an organisation of law, of participation in societal and political processes.


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It runs on the balancing of interests, on dispute, on argument, on correction, on freedom of the individual. In contrast, the authoritarian state bullies the weak, the Other, prohibits any possibility of contradiction, free will, political involvement, control of power, change.

Democracy is — to put it in familiar terms — the antithesis of the authoritarian family, usually headed by a patriarch, with family members at the mercy of his decisions. The history of the Republic of Austria moves in the political field between war and peace, between repression and societal and cultural awakening, between recession and prolonged economic and social progress.

The First Republic of Austria was created as a democratic project following the collapse of an old monarchical order. The rising political forces wanted to transform the trauma of the collapse and the war into a dream of progress. But the loss of the old traditions, combined with a dramatic economic crisis, was too heavy a burden. The young parliamentary democracy had to defend itself against a shadow empire of fears and authoritarian traditions. The First Republic is stored in the memories of the generations as an era of discord following the loss of the powerful father.

Back in the 19th century, in the wake of industralisation and increased mobility, people had seen themselves being torn from their accustomed ways of living. Following the destructive war, the sense of abandonment must have been overwhelming. What still echoes or lingers from this period, in my view, is — in addition to the presence of so many cultural and historical memorials and monuments — a prevailing sense of loss of the homeland.

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This feeling of loss shaped Austrian popular culture. What was lost is idealised — not just in the rural parts of Austria — into a beauty that has perhaps never been seen. It is the image of the idyllic past that is being doggedly held up, even though all of the injuries and humiliations remain hidden beneath it. The demise of the old world could hardly be counterbalanced by universal suffrage, which included women for the first time, the struggle for fair pay, the introduction of the eight-hour workday or the Social Democratic movement.

The old ways continued to have their effect, in the resurgence of antisemitism, in the yearning for a strong man and in the upwelling of the national question. The First Republic initially attempted to suppress all multilingual cultural references to the former crown lands.

The Carinthian Slovenes were most affected by the requirement to renounce their language and culture. In retrospect, one might say that the majority of Austrians of the First Republic wanted nothing better than to become German. But there was a high price to be paid for those aspirations. Schon im Jahr zuvor hatten heimische Zeitungen gegen den heutigen Klassiker des internationalen Kinos gewettert.

Alte Symbole werden umgedeutet. Es ist Herbst oder Winter, nass, kalt, Wien wirkt unwirtlich. Der zitierte Rezensent der Furche war jedoch zu optimistisch.


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Modern, hart, dokumentarisch erscheint der Blick des Kameramanns Helmuth Ashley. Die jugendlichen DelinquentInnen vermitteln permanente innere Unruhe. Elfi flieht aus dem elterlichen Heim. Sie wird zur Leidtragenden einer kalten und in sich erstarrten Nachkriegsgesellschaft, die sich der Verantwortung entzieht. Die Jugend wird in ihre Grenzen verwiesen. Unangenehme Fragen an die Kriegsgeneration werden erst einmal ad acta gelegt.

Nur wenige Filme greifen retrospektiv die unliebsame NS-Vergangenheit auf. Vergeben wird die Chance, neue Stadtbilder zu schaffen, Film-noir-Elemente einzusetzen und aktuelle Fragestellungen, etwa unter dem Einsatz neorealistischer Mittel, aufzugreifen. In: Modern Austrian Literature. Das Kleine Volksblatt , Helmuth Ashley hatte sich in den er Jahren als Kriegsberichterstatter und Wochenschaukameramann einen Namen gemacht.

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